Tuesday, 2 April 2013

Bible prophecy: predicting the distant future?

In this essay, the focus is on Biblical prophecy, even though I also discuss prophecy in the wider ancient Middle Eastern context. Three important characteristics of the prophet are discussed, namely that he/she was an oracle of God (the gods), a preacher of ethics and a preserver of tradition. A close connection, going back millennia, existed between prophets (or court diviners) and the written tradition. But what does the word “prophet” mean (or meant)? This calls for a hermeneutic (interpretative) approach. Scholars should not force their own paradigmatic perspectives onto the text but listen to the voices in the text. Both the voices of the individual prophets as well as that of the age-old prophetic tradition are of importance. Certain prophetic themes, like that about the Messiah, can only be appreciated once the ancient Israelite manner of understanding their own prophecies is considered. This also throws light on the possibility of future fulfilment of prophecy.

Prophecy constitutes about a third of the Bible. This shows how important prophecy was in the communal life of Israel and also later in the early church. But what is meant by "prophecy"? To what extent does it concern the future? Did the so-called "messianic" prophecies really foresee the appearance of Jesus Christ? And is it correct to assume that some Biblical prophecies could even have a bearing on current world events? The answers to these questions would differ according to the theological background of the reader. Biblical scholars from different schools of thought would give widely different answers to these questions. But who is correct? In this essay, I will discuss this matter, with a special focus on this predictive aspect of prophecy. I do not try to prove that certain prophecies were fulfilled; I am concerned with a more basic question, namely the validity of the claim that Biblical prophecy has a predictive component.

In the study of Biblical prophecy, it is important to establish what was meant by the word "prophet" in Israelite times. To explore this, we must study the role of the prophet in both the Israelite as well as the wider ancient Middle Eastern context. From this three important characteristics of the prophet are discernible, namely that they operated as oracles of God (or the gods), made ethical pronouncements and preserved the ancient traditions of their people. In current critical scholarship, the ethical aspect is strongly accentuated – but is this justifiable? Is it not a reductionist approach which distorts the ancient context in which the prophecy was given? These and other related issues are discussed. I show that it is of utmost importance that we listen to the Israelites themselves (and not force our views on them) to gain some understanding as to how they understood prophecy, especially “messianic prophecies”. After a discussion of these, I formulate some conclusions as to the Israelite view regarding the predictive aspect of prophecy.

The role of the Israelite prophet

Prophecy seems to have had a long tradition in Israel. Although scholars typically focus on the later prophets, the prophetic tradition is said to be much older than that. We, for example, find that some of the very early figures in the history of Israel were called "prophets" - Abraham (Gen. 20:7), Moses (Deut. 18:18; 34:10), Aaron (Ex. 7:1), Miriam (Ex. 15:20), Eldad, Medad and others (Nu. 11:26), Deborah (Jg. 4:4) and others (Jg. 6:8), Samuel (1 Sam. 3:20) and others (1 Sam. 10:5), Nathan (2 Sam. 7:2), Gad (1 Sam. 22:5) etc. 

When we study the Hebrew prophet, it is important that we do not automatically assume that the prophetic tradition was a late development in Israel, but that we consider the possibility that it was part of a continuous tradition going back to the earliest times (although the later prophets are characterized by more extensive prophecies, typical of that period). This forces us to consider the wider ancient Middle Eastern context in which prophecy operated. Although the Israelite prophetic tradition had certain distinguishing features, it was nevertheless part of a wider Middle Eastern phenomenon. So, what were the particular characteristics of the "prophet"?

1. An oracle of God (or the gods)

The Hebrew word "prophet" means "inspired man". It is derived from the word "prophecy" (nâbâ), which mean "to speak (or sing) by inspiration (in prediction or simple discourse)" [1]. What distinguishes the “prophet” from poets, singers and others of human inspiration, was the idea that these persons operated as spokesmen for the oracles of God, under divine inspiration. In Israel these were further distinguished from other diviners, the spokesmen of other gods (for example, Baal) or spirits (for example, “of the groves”), who were called “false prophets” (see I Ki. 18:19, Deut. 18:14). It was believed that the overshadowing power of the “Spirit of God” produced “true” prophecies (I Sam. 10:6). In all cases, the one important feature that characterized these oracles were its predictive nature.

Since early times – even before Israelite times – such prophets were mentioned in the western Semitic literature of the ancient Middle East. We find, for example, that they operated in the eighteenth century BC in the city of Mari in western Mesopotamia. Among them were both men and women, who went into a trance-like state and recounted their visions and the speech of the gods. Some used certain beverages to induce the prophetic state. Their utterances were in brief, poetic language, and made vague predictions regarding state-affairs and matters affecting the king [2]. (They operated very similar to the Delphian priestesses of Greek tradition).

Such trance-like states are also mentioned in the Hebrew prophetic tradition (1 Sam. 19:24 – Saul was laying naked for a whole day and night). The Hebrew prophets also used poetic language and made predictions (the old name for the prophet was “seer” - 1 Sam. 9:9), some regarding state-affairs and matters affecting the king (1 Sam. 22:5, 1 Ki. 11:29-31 etc.). It was expected of the true prophet to give details concerning future events, which enabled others to discern if the predictions were right and whether or not that person was a true prophet (Deut. 18:22; Jer. 28:8,9). This predictive nature of Biblical prophecy is visible in many prophecies concerning future events (1 Sam. 10:7; 16:1; 1 Ki. 11:30-36; 1 Ki. 13:2; 1 Ki. 22:20 etc.). Of special importance in this regard is the “messianic” prophecies (to be discussed in more detail below).

2. A preacher of ethics

The Israelite prophets' role as pronouncers of oracles not only concerned future events. It was closely connected to their role as preachers of ethics, as the ones who gave the divine perspective on right and wrong. The prophets spoke for God in matters concerning moral and ethical matters. This is the one aspect in which the Hebrew prophets differed from the earlier prophets from Mari – those prophecies lack the ethical content associated with the Biblical prophets [2]. In Hebrew tradition, this aspect of the prophetic ministry also goes back to early times (Jg. 6:8; 1 Sam. 12:14 etc.) and continues right through Israelite history until the time of Jesus Christ (it ends with John the Baptist's ministry).

An important aspect of this moral dimension of the Israelite prophetic tradition concerns the worship of God – what type of worship was acceptable to God. In this regard, the prophets were the ones upholding the Yahweh-alone tradition. They warned the Israelites against the worship of other gods (Jg. 6:8; 1 Ki. 18:18 etc.), especially against the worship of Baal and Ashtoreth, which were part of Israel's popular religion until the Babylonian exile. In this regard, the predictive aspect often included warnings about future punishment if the people do not come back to God (Jer. 35:15; Matt. 3:6-10), but it also (especially during and after the Babylonian exile) included a message of hope and future restoration. Some of these concerned the not-to-distant future (for example, the prophecies of Jeremiah concerning the exile and restoration of Israel) and others the distant future (Daniel's prophecies make this claim – Dan. 8:26; 12:4).

3. A preserver of tradition

Another important aspect of the prophetic ministry concerns the preservation of tradition. The prophets were the persons who wrote down both the oracles (or made sure that it was written down) as well as the wider context in which these prophecies were pronounced. The reason for this was clearly connected to their view concerning the divine origin of these prophecies as God's revelation to His people.

This tradition of writing down the oracles goes back to the prophets of Mari, whose prophecies were preserved for us exactly because they were written down. In fact, the tradition of writing down the oracles of the gods goes back even further, to the Akkadian period in Mesopotamia (~2450-2200 BC), when both the intestines of the sacrificial animals together with the pronouncements of the diviners who “read” them during the campaigns of these Semitic kings (who ruled over all of Mesopotamia) were written down (most copies of these date from Old-Babylonian times) [3,4]. It was not only these royal oracles that were written down. The great deeds of both the Akkadian kings – who sometimes even mention the context in which the gods were consulted – as well as the deeds of the later rulers of Mari, were also orally transmitted by court poets (and later written down) [5]. Among the same poets who told the stories about these rulers, were those who pronounced the oracles (in the case of the Mari prophets). It is possible that those early poet-diviners were shamans, who all over the ancient world were the ones who preserved the traditions of their peoples.

These examples show that the Israelite prophets stood in a prophetic tradition going back millennia in the ancient Middle East [6]. According to Hebrew tradition, they were the ones who preserved the oracles of the Hebrew God since the earliest of times. In this regard the oracles of God given to Abraham (which is the reason why he is called a "prophet") appear in a totally new light: the age-old western Semitic tradition of preserving the oracles in written form suggests that this was also the manner in which the Abrahamic oracles were transmitted. And the Akkadian (and later Israelite prophetic) tradition of providing a historical context for these oracles, suggests that these were embedded in the wider context of the history of the patriarchs since the time when they were first given. The fact that Abraham is said to have received these oracles and is also called a prophet strongly suggests that he was, in fact, the one who wrote down these oracles and history in the first place. He is said to have come from Mesopotamia (the route westwards went through the area of Mari) and would have stood in the ancient Western Semitic tradition of writing down such oracles.  This also suggests that he could have been the one who preserved the older Sumerian traditions of his family (Gen. 4-11) [7].

According to the Hebrew Bible, there was a close connection between the prophets and the written tradition (especially regarding the oracles) throughout Israelite tradition. Among the earliest prophets who are said to have written down these oracles were Moses (who is said to have written down the oracles (Ex. 17:14; 24:3, 4; 34:27, 28; 31:7-9; Nu. 11:26; Jos. 8:32), the history of the exodus (Nu. 33:1, 2) and a poem (Deut. 31:22) – his disciple Joshua also wrote down some of these oracles (Jos. 8:32; 24:26)  Samuel (I Sam. 10:25), Nathan (1 Ch. 29:29; 2 Ch. 9:29); Gad (1 Ch. 29:29; 2 Ch. 29:25), Ahijah (2 Ch. 9:29), Shemaiah (2 Ch. 12:15), Iddo (2 Ch. 12:15; 13:22), Elijah (2 Ch. 21:12), Isaiah (2 Ch. 32:32) etc. The author of Chronicles mentions histories written by the prophets Samuel (who operated in the time of King Saul), Nathan, Gad (from the time of King David), Ahijah (from the time of King Solomon), Shemaiah, Iddo (from the time of King Rehoboam), and other writings by Elijah (from the time of King Ahab) and Isaiah (from the time of King Hezekiah).

The impression that one gets from reading this is that great care was taken to correctly transmit the earlier oracles and accompanying history - all of which were carefully written down during the time when the oracles were first given. This is in accordance with the millennia-old western Semitic tradition of preserving oracles in written form - which gives further credibility (over and above the obvious care that was taken to correctly transmit those traditions) to the Biblical literary tradition. Clearly, the Israelite prophets stood in the ancient western Semitic tradition of poets who not only pronounced (and made sure it was written down) the oracles of the gods (God) concerning the king but also composed, sang and recorded the royal deeds of those kings [8].

Interpreting the prophetic tradition

With this short background on the role of the Israelite prophet, the next question to ask is: What exactly is “prophecy”? Although the answer to this question may seem simple, namely that it is an oracle, this does not do justice to the complexity of the issue. Why? Because there are various contexts from which this question could hypothetically be answered. The ancient prophets who were part of that centuries-old tradition, or an Israelite who were part of that culture in which the prophets operated and who held a wide range of popular ideas about prophecy, would answer the question in a different way from any scholar who come from a particular scholarly tradition or person who participates in a traditional form of Christianity. The problem is that we do not have access to the ancient Israelite paradigm (this would only be possible if we were part of that community during that time). Our only access to them is through the Biblical texts.

Using the insights of the philosopher of hermeneutics, Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900-2002), we can view our interaction with these texts as a conversation. Readers and scholars from our generation are in conversation with the authors of those texts (and with many others who have already throughout the ages participated in this conversation). We, who are embedded within particular traditions (paradigms [9]) converse with those authors, who are embedded in their own tradition. For an open conversation to take place, we must listen to those ancient Hebrew authors. We cannot force our views on them. 

If we force our views on the text, we show a total disregard for their views - we "destroy the true meaning of this tradition" [10]. Often we do this without knowing that we do – our particular paradigm (the tradition which formed us in the views that we hold) unconsciously provides us with glasses which direct our reading of the text. It is this complicated conversational process between ourselves and the voices from the text that result in interpretation.

1. The critical scholarly paradigm

When Biblical Criticism scholars first approached this problem, they did not have these insights available to them. They were primarily concerned with the “real” historical situation – and mistrusted much of the information in the texts (contra what I have shown above). They believed that all references to the supernatural – of which the divine origin of the oracles is an example – should be taken with a pinch of salt. They believed that it was possible to gain access to the “real” objective situation, going beyond the "primitive" ideas which those people held regarding their own situation. In the opinion of these scholars, their own viewpoint was therefore much better than the primitive views of the ancient Israelites. Hermann Gunkel (1862-1932), who greatly influenced this discipline in this regard, wrote in his book Genesis [11]: "Following our modern historical world-view, truly not an imaginary construct but based on the observation of facts, we consider the other view entirely impossible".

This approach postulated that the scholar must reconstruct the Sitz im Leben ("setting in life") in which the prophet operated – this is the historical context in which he presented his message within the social circumstances of the time. In this view, the ethical dimension of the prophet's message is of special importance. The predictive aspect was considered as secondary – at most, it could have included some vague predictions (these scholars accept that in reality nobody can correctly predict the future). Where bold statements about the fulfillment of prophecy is found in the text, this should be interpreted either as vaticinia ex eventu (foretelling after the event) or that the author created fictional events to give the impression that some prophecy was fulfilled (some mention, for example, events from the life of Jesus in this regard). In this way, it was believed that the scholar could clear the text from all unhistorical data. It is in this tradition that critical scholars writing about prophecy operate [12].

The problem is, however, that the people of that time did believe that the oracles were God-given and this influenced their whole perspective on life. Once this aspect is removed, we do not arrive at some “objective” point of view – we arrive at a reductive view with no correspondence to the historical situation. The fact is that they held those beliefs. The prophet, as well as those who listened to him, believed that these oracles came from God. This was part of their worldview; it determined their whole concept of life and the place of major (especially catastrophic) events therein. This is the historical situation!

To reduce the prophetic message to a mere ethical message, and prophecy to mere poetry is not only reductionist – it creates a new idea about that reality which is totally divorced from the true historical reality. It forces a certain rational view, typical of the modernist perspective, onto Biblical times without any concern for the views of the people who lived during that period. It gives the false impression that this is an “objective” view – the only one that is valid (so typical of the colonial spirit of modernism) – whereas it is, in fact, a total distortion of the real situation. Without doing so consciously, these scholars force their own paradigm onto the text which totally overshadows the voices therein. If we want to know something about the real situation, we have to listen to the voices present in the text and allow them to tell us something about their world.

2. The prophetic tradition

We should not only listen to the individual prophetic voices in the texts; we should also listen to the voice of the long-running prophetic tradition behind those voices. In the same way that the scholarly tradition (paradigm) colours the view of individual scholars in their conversation with the voices of the past, the voices of the prophets were formed by the prophetic tradition to which they belonged.

The impact of tradition on people (especially those from past generations) had been demonstrated by philosophers like Martin Heidegger and Thomas Kuhn, who demonstrated the impact of scholarly tradition (called “paradigm”) on individual scholars [9]. As I showed above, the prophets were the keepers of a centuries-old prophetic tradition – which clearly had a profound effect on all the prophets who stood in that tradition. They preserved the older prophetic writings (which they studied), interacted with each other, operated in groups and attended prophetic schools since their youth (1 Sam. 10:5; 19:20; 1 Ki. 18:13; 20:35; 22:10; 2 Ki. 2:3-5; 4:38; 6:1-7 etc.). At times there were hundreds, even thousands of them, operating during the same period (1 Ki. 18:4; 19:18). All the true prophets upheld the Yahweh-alone tradition – and many of them mention the millennia-old concept of the council of the gods (Micah (1 Ki. 22:19-22), Isaiah (Is. 14:13, 14), Jeremiah (Jer. 23:18), Ezekiel (28:16)). They all had very similar prophetic experiences (even though the details often differ) – all prophesied under the power of the Holy Spirit. They also prophesied about similar themes – the messianic theme is present since the earliest times.

The Biblical Criticism approach to a large extent overlooks the importance of this age-old prophetic tradition in ancient Israel. The focus on the Sitz im Leben ("setting in life") places the particular circumstances of the prophet at the centre; it effectively isolates the individual prophet from the tradition to which they belonged. This is very problematic – its overall effect is to minimize the role of those prophetic themes that is not directly applicable to the social situation of the individual prophet (the messianic theme, for example).

This negligence of the prophetic tradition could be ascribed to the general mistrust of tradition in modernist circles since the time of the Enlightenment. The modernist mind was in reaction against the one tradition that it knew all too well, namely the Christian tradition. And this rejection seems to have influenced the way in which these scholars [13] read the texts – it coloured their own approach to the texts. The close association between the Christian tradition and the Biblical prophetic tradition seems to have influenced their approach to the latter – in a certain way it represented a tradition which most modernist scholars opposed. This implies that their approach to the text could not have been completely honest (even if they themselves did not recognize it); their own paradigm was in conflict with the paradigm presented in the text. This can be the reason why they so forcefully imposed their own paradigm on the text and ignored the historical paradigm within which the prophets operated - effectively "destroying" the meaning of that tradition (to quote Gadamer).

The messianic prophecies

The most important prophetic theme that transcends all the individual prophets was the messianic theme. If such a prophetic theme existed (which we know was the case) it was predictive in nature since the long-awaited Messiah was expected to come sometime in the future. Most prophets said something that was taken as messianic in Israelite circles. The Israelites carefully studied the prophetic works to determine when the Messiah would come and what he would be like. Various views regarding the Messiah developed, based on the accentuation of different prophetic passages and different readings thereof. In this respect, the prophetic tradition had a great impact on the wider Israelite culture and paradigm – and the prophecies concerning the future Messiah had a formative impact on the Israelite perspective, especially in the post-exilic period.

There are basically two important groups of texts that provide us with insight into the ancient Hebrew thinking in this regard. The one is the Qumran texts, which date for the most part to the centuries directly before the time of Jesus Christ. It depicts a traditional Israelite (Jewish) community who regarded the messianic writings of the prophets with the utmost respect – they could even be called a “messianic” community. They developed certain ideas as to what the Messiah's ministry would be like – and expected a “priestly Messiah” together with a political Messiah. The other texts are those included in the New Testament. They reflect the thinking of a Jewish messianic community who stood in a very long tradition of Israelites who expected the Messiah and who believed that Jesus was that Messiah. They participated in the church which developed from those early beginnings. In this essay, I focus mainly on their interpretation of the prophetic texts.

In Biblical Criticism, there is a strong current of thinking that most (if not all) the messianic passages mentioned in the New Testament, actually refer to people and events from the time of the prophet and that the messianic "allusions" found there are in fact unfounded later interpretations that contemporary scholars should discard [14]. This approach to the messianic prophecies assumes that the scholarly view about the prophecies is more correct than the view held by the people of those times, i.e. in the early church (their modernist view is in effect the only correct view)! I have already commented on this arrogance which forces a modernist perspective onto the text. 

We should rather listen to those people themselves and try to understand what they said in this regard. How did they interpret those prophecies and why did they do so? Since they stood in the same Hebrew paradigm which was formed from the earliest times, of which the age-old prophetic tradition was a part, they would know much better than us how the prophecies were understood and how it should be interpreted. The early church, and all the Biblical authors, were Jewish and stood in continuation of the centuries-old Israelite tradition in which a certain way of understanding and interpreting prophecies evolved. The New Testament texts clearly contain important material that could help us understand the ancient approach to those prophecies – even if one does not agree that Jesus was, in fact, the Messiah.

The main problem that scholars have with the predictive aspect of prophecy, especially messianic prophecy which is said to have reference to events far beyond the horizon of the prophet, is that the prophet himself could not have viewed it in that way. The prophet was part of a particular community who had a certain set of circumstances which directly impacted on their lives, and the prophet's message was concerned with those circumstances. He did not have particular events in the distant future in mind. But this view totally negates the basic Hebrew understanding regarding prophecy, namely that it was oracles given by God. From the Hebrew perspective, the divine inspiration was such that the prophet foretold things that were even beyond his own understanding. The apostle Paul wrote in this regard: “the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest, and by the scriptures of the prophets” (this refers to the inclusion of converted heathen within the framework of God's people, but illustrates the point, Rom. 16:25, 26; see also 11 Pet. 1:19-21).

This idea that a prophecy could refer to distant events beyond the view of the prophet, and that this aspect of the prophecy could be hidden within some prophecy concerning events from the time of the prophet, could be amply illustrated. Take, for example, the prophecy of Isaiah about the virgin who would conceive and bear a son, named Emmanuel (Is. 7:14). This had reference to the prophet's time (Isaiah 8:3), but had also been applied to the virgin birth of Jesus (Matt. 1:22, 23; Lu. 1:31-34 do not mention the prophecy, but mentions both the virgin birth and that Jesus was the son of the Most High, the “son of God”). The followers of Jesus clearly believed that the divine origin of the prophecy allowed for an application beyond the view of the prophet. It is easy to see why: in the Septuagint, (which they used and) which represents a very early understanding of the wording in the prophecy (going back to the second century BC), the Hebrew word “almâh” (veiled) has been translated as “virgin” - and Jesus is said to have been born to a virgin. Furthermore, Jesus was accepted to be Emmanuel, not only in the figurative sense as “God in our midst”, but as the embodiment of God among mankind (“the son of God”). For them, the expression “Son of God” referred to one greater than the angels, but beneath the Father (Mark. 13:32).

This way of interpreting prophecy was not unique to the Hebrew tradition. We find the same among the ancient Greeks, where the interpretation of the prophecies of the priestess at Delphi also went far beyond her own understanding of the matter. Take, for example, the prophecy concerning the return of the sons of Heracles, whose wish would be granted after “the third harvest”. This was at first wrongly interpreted (the intention of the priestess was unclear) in a straightforward manner. Only later was it “correctly” understood as referring to the third generation. This clearly shows that such oracles were typically interpreted as being beyond human invention (it originated with the god Apollo) and could, therefore, be fulfilled long after the time of the prophetess herself.

When we study the way that the New Testament authors interpreted the messianic prophecies, it is clear that there is no exact rule – something that upsets the scientifically inclined mind. But prophecy is not scientific prediction – it is mostly given in poetic form and are typically understood as metaphors which allow for various levels of interpretation, both in the time of the prophet and in messianic times (prophecies regarding Israel or the king are taken to also refer to the Messiah, for example, Hos. 11:1 and Matt. 2:15; Ps. 2:9 and Rev. 2:27). Many messianic prophecies were beforehand (i.e. before Jesus' birth) recognized as messianic (this is clear from the Qumran texts as well as the way that they are used in the Biblical text, for example, Matt. 2:4-6; 22:41-46 etc.) or assumed to be such (in Rabbinic literature, 465 Old Testament passages were taken as referring to the Messiah or messianic times [15]), although there was always the possibility the some would only become clear once the Messiah appears.

In general, the interpretation of prophecy is not a singular affair. In the context of Israel in the time of Jesus, this surely involved spontaneous and popular interpretation from the midst of the people themselves. Such interpretation went far beyond any single prophecy; it involved the whole collection of prophetic material, which in total provided the people of Israel with images of what the Messiah would be like (Hand. 3:21; 10:43; Rom. 1:1-3) and the time when he would come (Lu. 2:26; 3:15; Joh. 1:19, 20). And these images, for example, those found in the Qumran texts, are quite consistent with those applied to Jesus (even those about the Messiah as great conqueror were applied to Jesus' Second Coming). In fact, there can be no doubt that Jesus' followers believed that his life fitted the prophetic image of the Messiah perfectly.

What is clear, is that the Israelites themselves believed that the prophets spoke about events far beyond their own time – in the distant future. The early church even believed that some messianic prophecies still await fulfilment (those regarding Jesus' Second Coming) – these would only be fulfilled in the end times. This implies that some prophecies even predict what will happen in the distant future (for the prophet) and would go into fulfilment as the end times draw near. Even if one thinks (as some critics do) that Jesus purposefully fulfilled the prophecies to the extent that he could, that some events in Jesus's life were later fictitiously created by later authors in accordance with prophecies in that regard, that there are conflicts in the various accounts of the life of Jesus which show that the “real” Jesus's life did not fulfill certain prophecies ascribed to him, all of this show that those people had a strong belief that the prophecies of the ancient Hebrew prophets would one day be fulfilled in a messianic figure – and that Jesus was that figure. Any traditional Christian would add that Jesus was in fact the only real Messianic figure (in fact, the greatest of all time) that Jewish culture ever produced and that he appeared exactly at the time when the Messiah was most anxiously expected (Lu. 2:26; 3:15; Joh. 1:19, 20 – probably due to their interpretation of the prophecy in Dan. 9:20-27).

Conclusion

From this discussion of Hebrew prophecy, we can derive certain conclusions. We cannot study the Hebrew prophet, or even the Hebrew prophetic tradition, in isolation. The Hebrew prophet stood in an age-old tradition which developed within the western Semitic culture. They viewed the oracles of God (or the gods) as so important that they made sure that it was written down. This implies a strong connection between the prophetic and the written traditions, which is in fact what is found in ancient Israel. We have access to that tradition through the texts of the Bible.

When we study those texts, we should not force our own views onto the texts. Scholars who force a modernist worldview onto the texts (or some traditional interpreters who force a certain theological or contemporary perspective) show a disregard for the views of those ancient people regarding their own worldview and culture. When we want to define prophecy we cannot divorce it from the ancient world in which it functioned. Prophecy is what they understood it to be – and not any meaning that we want to impose on the word. For them, prophecy is oracles of God (or the gods), which is divinely given, and as such, is greater than the prophet, and applies far beyond his/her point of view. For them, prophecy – especially messianic prophecy – is predictive (not in the human sense) and could find its fulfilment many centuries or even millennia after the life of the individual prophet.

The one prophetic theme that transcends all generations of prophets, is that of the coming Messiah. The interpretation of the prophecies that refer to the Messiah, is not something that can be entirely objectively understood. There is not any particular scholarly method that was used in interpreting those prophecies in ancient times. Rather, it was a matter of spontaneous and popular interpretation. In this regard, it was not so much the single prophecy (even though some of these were extremely important) but the whole collection of prophetic material which provided the image of the coming Messiah. And this image corresponds to a remarkable degree with the narrative told about Jesus of Nazareth. For those who believe that he will return, there are again many prophecies which together provide an image of the world situation in the end times. We will have to wait and see if (and when) they go into fulfilment [16].

[1] Strong, James. 1980. Strong's Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible. Nashville: Abingdon (Thirty-eighth printing)
[2] Foster, Benjamin R. 2007. “Mesopotamia”, John R. Hinnells (ed.). Penguin Handbook of Ancient Religions. London: Penguin Books.
[3] Edwards, I. E. S. 1971. "Early History of the Middle East", in The Cambridge History. Vol I Part 2. . Cambridge: Cambridge University.
[4] Horowitz, Wayne. 1998. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.
[5] Tinney, Steve. 1995. A New Look at Naram-Sin and the “Great Rebellion”. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 47:1-14.
[6] Any understanding of the prophetic tradition in Israel should give credible arguments as to how it arose in the first place. Trying to isolate this tradition from the age-old Western Semitic tradition (which clearly impacted on the writing of the Abrahamic oracles) is clearly wrong.
[7] There is remarkable archeological evidence which substantiate the Biblical account of events that took place during the time of Abraham, suggesting that he was in fact an historical person and that the traditions associated with him is trustworthy. See Mc Loud, Willie. 2012. Op soek na Abraham en sy God. Kaapstad: Griffel.
[8] This shows that the literary tradition is more secure than is often assumed. In fact, the scholarly tradition of requiring substantial archaeological “evidence” to confirm the information in the text before it is viewed as trustworthy, is quite problematic since such data is for the most part sparse and open to many possible interpretations. Instead of a qualified acceptance of the textual tradition, this approach resulted in the unsupported opinion that the textual tradition could not be trusted due to lack of “evidence”.
[9] Kuhn, Thomas S. 1962. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago.
[10] Gadamer, Hans-Georg. 1994. Truth and Method (translation revised by Joel Weinsheimer and Donald G. Marshall, second, revised ed.). New York: Crossroad.
[11] Gunkel, Hermann. 1901. Genesis. Gottingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht.
[12] Hoffman, Yair. 2003. Review of Martin A. Sweeney and Ehud Ben Zvi (eds). The Changing Face of Form-Criticism for the Twentieth Century. RBL 07/2004.
[13] The modernist perspective is clearly visible in their writings – they were children of their time.
[14] Soggin, Alberto. 1989. Introduction to the Old Testament: From Its Origins to the Closing of the Alexandrian Canon (transl. John Bowden, 3rd ed.) Philadelphia: Westminster.
[15] Ebersheim, Alfred. Prophecy and History in Relation to the Messiah (Warburton Lectures for 1880-1884, 1885).
[16] In this essay I on purpose did not accentuate the difference between true and false prophecy since the focus is more generally on ancient prophecy as such.

Author: Dr Willie Mc Loud (Ref. wmcloud.blogspot.com)


Friday, 1 March 2013

Does the creation narrative of Genesis 1 support the idea of a young earth?

In this essay, I discuss the creation narrative of Genesis 1. I develop a new approach which deals with the issues in a different way. Both the ancient origins of the story and its relevance in the context of current scientific thinking are discussed. This essay is the first in a series on the Book of Genesis.

The creation narrative in Genesis 1 has been studied extensively for ages. It gives the Biblical account of the origin of the cosmos. Although there are many other ancient creation stories, this one is of special importance to Jews and Christians since it is found in the (Hebrew) Bible – which they regard as divinely-inspired. Most Christians believe that this narrative gives a "true" and correct account of the creation of the cosmos and more specifically, of the earth. But how does it compare with the current scientific view about the origin of the cosmos? Is it possible to subscribe to the Biblical account of creation in the face of scientific data that shows the earth to be billions of years old?

Any interpretation of Genesis 1 is confronted with the difference between the Biblical narrative of creation and the scientific narrative about the origin of the cosmos. Various strategies have been developed to achieve harmony between these narratives – some more successful than others. Any sensible interpretation should not only include good textual exegesis, taking the ancient worldview of the author into account; it should also – for those who believe in the divine inspiration of the Biblical text – be credible and believable.  For Christians who believe in the divine inspiration, the Biblical text has a certain integrity which transcends time – implying that although the creation account was written so long ago, it is valid even today. 

The most popular interpretations of the creation narrative of Genesis 1 could be grouped under three headings, namely 1) The young earth view, 2) The old earth view and 3) The polemical text view. Each of these follows a different approach to the text. What is interesting about these interpretations, is the extent to which they reflect the background of the communities who subscribe to these views. And all of them have some drawbacks – some more serious than others.

The young earth view

Some Christians believe that Genesis 1 teaches that the earth is young. In their view, the Bible (Genesis 1) teaches that the earth was created a few thousand years ago in six days of 24 hours each. This interpretation accepts uncritically that the days mentioned in Genesis 1 refer to solar days. They argue that not only the word "day" (yom) but also the expression "evening and the morning" which accompany each day of creation in Genesis 1 show that solar days are spoken of since this expression reflects the Jewish way of reckoning days from sunset ("evening") to sunset.

This view is typically found in conservative communities who try to uphold a "literal" understanding of the Bible. Groups like the Answers in Genesis organization promotes this young earth creationism. Among these readers are those who follow a very simplistic approach to the text. Some of them do not even recognize that there is an unbridgeable distance between us and the original context in which the text was written. They think that they have in some way (through the Holy Spirit) access to the mind of the original author (Moses). They would typically argue: If the Bible says "days" then it is days. This is what Moses meant by the word "day" and we should not doubt that. In this way, they unconsciously establish their interpretation as the only valid view that is truly and uncompromisingly Biblical.

The truth is that we all interpret the text. Nobody has access to the mind of the original author. Nobody can boast of that. Even with the Holy Spirit in our lives, we are still humans who access the text with limited understanding and who bring our own particular background, insights and blind spots to the text. And once we understand this, that we are interpreting the text (as all humans do), then we recognize that our view is just one among various possible interpretations. Then we can be more open to acknowledge the weak arguments in our own position and consider the strong points of others.

There are various problems with the young-earth view. Its interpretation of the word "day" as referring to solar days are particularly problematic. If it is assumed that the days in Genesis 1 refer to solar days of 24 hours each – days which exist because of the rotation of the earth in relation to the sun – then a fundamental contradiction arises, namely that we have to assume the existence of solar days without the sun! Why? Because the sun was only created on the fourth day. So one can ask: How is it possible to have solar days (the first three days) before the sun was created? It is not possible. How is it possible to have "evening and morning" without the sun? It is not possible.

Various proposals have been made to solve this problem. It is often assumed that the light that appeared on the first day have some connection to the sun which was created on the fourth day. But how could the gulf between the first and fourth days be bridged? Some have proposed that the first three days and the last three days (starting with the fourth day) of creation run parallel (there are some similarities between them). This view, however, contradicts another important feature of the Genesis narrative, namely that the days are not only numbered; they are consecutive. There can be no doubt that the reason for dividing the period of creation into seven days, was to establish creation as a model for the work week, with the seventh day (the Sabbath) as a day of rest (Gen. 2:2-3).

Another proposal is that the sun existed before the fourth day but that the atmospheric conditions made it impossible to see it. The sun, therefore, became visible only on the fourth day. This solves the problem to some extent because some brightening during daytime is now possible although the conventional meaning of "evening" (sunset) and "morning" (sunrise) has to be changed somewhat. But another problem is created, namely that it compromises the "literal" approach for which the proponents of this view are known – it assumes that the sun existed before it's creation is mentioned on the fourth day of creation (Gen. 1:16). If one allows for this, why not also allow for the word "day" to have a broader meaning? Some days seem to be longer – during the third day the land produced trees bearing fruit (Gen. 1:12)! And the seventh day during which God rested seems to be ongoing (Heb. 4:3-7). No literal interpretation should ignore the wider context of the text.

The other problem with this view, however, is that it contradicts all scientific evidence. Scientists have demonstrated that the cosmos is billions of years old (findings in physics (radioactive dating), astronomy and geology affirm this). Surely God's revelation in Scripture would not contradict His revelation in nature! Why should the days of creation be taken as solar days when this interpretation creates such insurmountable problems? Why can't Christians accept an old earth? Surely God cannot be restricted to our limited conceptions of time (He is beyond time)!

Many evangelical scholars - most among those who produced the famous "Chicago Statement" on the inerrancy of the Bible (1978) - hold that the universe is millions or billions of years old. A similar situation existed a few hundred years ago when the geocentric view of the cosmos was still widely accepted. Christians found support for this view in the earth-centered perspective of the Biblical authors. But the Copernican revolution overturned this view. At that time Christians recognized that an earth-centered perspective does not necessarily imply that the earth is the centre of the cosmos (even though the earth is of special importance in God's plan). It merely shows that those people described the world from their earthly viewpoint.

Some interpreters have tried to accommodate the scientific evidence for an old earth with the solar day view. C. I. Scofield propagated the view that there is a time gap between the first two verses of Genesis 1. According to his "gap theory", the earth was originally created perfect but became "without form and void" with Lucifer's rebellion. In this scenario, the creation narrative of Genesis 1 was, in fact, a recreation. But this interpretation does not solve the basic problems of the solar day view mentioned above. And there is no scientific evidence to support such total destruction of the earth or the reappearance of plants and animals a few thousand years ago.

The old earth view

Other Christians accept the scientific evidence that the cosmos is billions of years old and believe that Genesis 1 supports this. They affirm that the word "day (yom)" sometimes refer to long periods of time (see for example Gen. 2:4). In this interpretation, the days of creation can in principle be billions of years long. Even though they acknowledge that the expression "evening and the morning" has reference to solar days, they view its usage here as metaphoric, referring to the "beginning and continuation" of each creation period. We can compare this usage with expressions like "the dawn of history" or the "evening of his life".

This view is especially popular among Christian scientists. They see a remarkable agreement between the creation narrative of Genesis 1 and the current scientific model of the origin of the universe (The Big Bang model). For example, in Genesis 1 the process of creation commenced when God said: "Let there be light". This appearance of light marks the beginning of the first period (day) of creation. According to the scientific view, the cosmos came into being with the Big Bang some 13-15 billion years ago, when there suddenly (without any obvious reason) appeared a point of energy which rapidly expanded spatially to form the universe. The appearance of "light" in Genesis 1 corresponds with the sudden appearance of "energy" during the Big Bang.

There are also many other correspondences between the creation narrative in Genesis 1 and the scientific view of the history of the earth and the appearance of life on it. I mention some. 1) On the second day of creation, the firmament of heaven was created. Similarly, the cosmos expanded spatially after the Big Bang. 2)Water played an important role during the first few days of creation. Similarly, hydrogen (which together with oxygen forms water) formed in the early stages after the Big Bang; hydrogen is the most basic and abundant element in the universe out of which all other elements (water included) came into existence. Water was already present in the material from which the earth was formed. 3) The earth - dry ground surrounded by seas - only appeared after two creation periods. Similarly, the earth formed some time after the Big Bang, about 4.6 billion years ago (as a planet of the sun - the planetary system formed from the debris of an earlier star). Over time a supercontinent (called Pannotia) came into existence; the water which originally accumulated in the atmosphere condensed to form the oceans. 

4) Life forms appeared on earth since the third creation period and became more complex in the following periods. During the third period, seed-bearing plants and trees appeared. Similarly, the life forms that appeared since 3.6 billion years ago on earth became more complex with time - especially since the so-called Cambrian explosion (540-480 million years ago). Land plants appeared about 500 million years ago. More complex plants with seeds, flowering plants and trees appeared about 420-360 million years ago and trees with seeds about 300 million years ago. Great forests formed around the globe. 5) Water animals (and reptiles according to the Septuagint) and birds appeared during the fifth creation period. Similarly, reptiles appeared about 300 million years ago, dinosaurs about 200 million years ago and birds about 150 million years ago. This was the great age of reptiles and dinosaurs. 6) The mammals multiplied on earth during the sixth creation period. Similarly, the age of the mammals arrived after the extinction of the dinosaurs about 65 million years ago. 7) Humans were created last during the sixth creation period. Similarly, anatomically modern humans came into existence only very recently (about 200 000 years ago).

Although some groups like the Reasons to Believe organization believe that God was directly involved in creating the species (called old earth creationism), others view the Biblical process of creation as a process of theistic evolution. These readers find support for this interpretation in the ambivalent way in which the process of creation is described in Genesis 1. We, for example, read that God commanded the earth and the waters to bring forth the various species of plants and animals (Gen. 1:11,20, 24), which is then equated with God's acts of creation. Both the Hebrew words "made" (âsâh) and "created" (bârâ) are used in this regard (Gen. 1:21, 25). But how did the earth or water brought these species into being? Does it mean that the earth or water provided the milieu wherein new species were generated? Since this process of creation seems to have happened spontaneously, they argue that there is no reason why it could not have happened through the evolution of one species into another.

Does this mean that the Neo-Darwinian theory of evolution is accepted? Not necessarily. But it does mean that the unfolding process of biological evolution occurred according to the design that God built into the structure of the universe. Some Christians, like those from the BioLogos organization (evangelical Christians), believe that God worked through the Big Bang to create the cosmos and Neo-Darwinian evolution to form the species. They, however, do not support the "scientific" view of Genesis 1 described in this section; they support the polemical text view described in the next section.

The old earth view also has its problems. A glaring problem is that in the Biblical account the sun was created on the fourth day of creation while in the scientific account the sun came into existence even before the earth was formed. The answer given is that the sun already existed before the fourth creation period but that it, as well as the moon and the other stars, were not yet visible due to the dense atmospheric conditions (throughout Scripture the earth is taken as the point of reference). It was the oxygenating of the air by the thriving plants (that appeared during the previous period) which changed the atmosphere from translucent to occasionally transparent. The fact that all the heavenly bodies became visible at the same time is in accordance with the interpretation that the sky cleared during this period. This interpretation solves the problem of life existing before the creation of the sun on the fourth day of creation.

Another point of critique is that this interpretation of Genesis 1 implies that the plants (created during the third period) existed long before the animals (created during the fifth period), which is impossible because of the interdependence between them. But which animals appeared during the fifth creation period? It seems that these were advanced species of animals, namely water animals, and birds. Among the water animals mentioned are "great sea animals (whales in some translations) and every living creature that moveth" (Gen. 1:21), which the Septuagint gives as "great whales and every living reptile". This fits the overall pattern of creation according to which the more advanced species were created during the later periods. In this case, there is no reason why the plants could not have existed long before these animals. (It is interesting that fish as such is not mentioned in Genesis 1. In the geological record, fish appear very early and became abundant about 420-360 million years ago. The well-known bonefish species, however, only became dominant at the time of the reptiles which corresponds with the fourth creation period.)

Genesis 1 does not give a full catalogue of created things. It mentions some basic orders of things like seed-bearing plants, trees, water animals (reptiles), birds, land mammals, and humans. But elementary plants and animals like seaweeds, snails or insects are not mentioned. When were they created? If we take the overall pattern of creation into account (with more complex species appearing later), then these would have come into existence early during the third period of creation. What we find in Genesis 1 is only the most important features of each period (which were not of the same time length), namely plants and trees during the third period, the visible sun, moon and stars during the fourth period, water animals ("great sea animals" and reptiles) and birds during the fifth period and finally, land mammals and humans during the sixth period of creation. In this view, the various creation periods overlap and could even merge into each other.

A more serious charge against this view is that it does not take the milieu in which the narrative was written into account. Although the creation narrative of Genesis 1 corresponds quite well with the current scientific view about the origin of the universe and the development of life on earth, the author had a very different worldview from our own. Even if we assume that divine inspiration accounts for this remarkable "correctness" in the Genesis account, we can still not divorce the text from the original world in which it originated. We should also study the text with that early worldview in mind.

The polemical text view

In contrast to the previous views, these students of Genesis 1 are especially interested in this narrative as an ancient text. Their primary concern is with the ancient situation in which the text originated – the world in which the author engaged with the people of his time. For them, it is, first of all, an ancient document speaking to the people of that time. Typical questions asked are: What was the purpose of the author in writing it? How are the issues of that time reflected in the text? For them the applicability of the text to our current concerns is secondary; they even argue that Genesis 1 is not in any sense a literal account of the creation of the world. They, therefore, do not see any contradiction between the Genesis narrative and the scientific narrative about the origin of the universe – these apply to different times, to different situations.

This view is especially popular among theologians and textual scholars - especially in Biblical Criticism circles. They are interested in the Hebrew author's concept of God and the way in which he defends his own view against that of the surrounding nations. To explore this, they study the surrounding influences found in this narrative. These provide the necessary information to gain a better understanding of the text. As theologians, they are interested in theology, in the same way that the old earth view of Genesis 1 reflects the interest of Christian scientists.

Scholars holding this view believe that it is wrong to interpret this narrative as a "true and correct" account of the origin of the world. Some argue that it was not the intention of the author to present such a correct account in the first place. No, he only wanted to affirm that God created everything and that He is above all other gods. Some argue that even if he wanted to say something about the real origin of the world, he was obviously not in any position to say anything useful to us about it. His pre-scientific worldview excludes such a possibility. We should therefore not use it as a guide to the true origins of the universe, but acknowledge that it is a religious text that came into existence in a particular environment. Its value for us lies in the study of the author's view about God.

As expected, the creation narrative in Genesis 1 shows some agreement with other ancient Middle Eastern creation stories. The creation out of water (Gen. 1:2, 6-10) is an old theme in the ancient Middle East. In the Mesopotamian tradition, it reflects the early human endeavours to create dry land in the southern morasses. Closely connected to this was the idea of creation as an act of ordering; of bringing order to chaos. In Genesis 1 God's acts of creation changed the original world, which was without form and void, with darkness upon the face of the deep (Gen. 1:2), into a place that humans could inhabit.

But why did the author of Genesis 1 place the creation of the sun on the fourth day? This is a very important question that any sensible interpretation of Genesis 1 should answer. The typical answer given in these circles is that the author wanted to show that the sun and the moon, which some surrounding nations held as important gods, could not be compared with the great creator God of the Hebrews who brought all things into existence. God is so powerful that He could create light and let the plants grow even without the presence of the sun. According to this interpretation, the Genesis 1 narrative is an ancient polemical text in which the Hebrew author was arguing his case against those who worshipped other gods.

On the face of things, it seems to be a sensible answer. But is it correct? We have absolutely no way of knowing! We do not know what the intention of the original author was. There are even some reasons to reject this assumption. This answer, for example, does not make sense if we explore the context in which this narrative is supposed to have come into existence, namely during or after the Babylonian exile (in the sixth century BC). Although scholars first associated this narrative with the so-called E (Elohim) source (due to the fact that the author used the divine name Elohim), it is nowadays associated with the so-called P (Priestly) source used for the Pentateuch. This implies that the author wrote against the background of the Babylonian milieu. But the most important Babylonian god was Marduk, who was a weather god. The sun and moon gods did not play an important role in the Babylonian (or Mesopotamian for that matter) theology! So why would the author try to assert the authority of the Hebrew God against these unimportant gods?

The supposed Babylonian background of Genesis 1 is also problematic from other angles. We, for example, find absolutely nothing in this creation narrative that is distinctively neo-Babylonian (or neo-Assyrian). Neither the overall worldview of the author nor the particular creation motifs show any particular Babylonian influences. We do not find any of the complicated creation motifs typical of the Babylonian creation story (for example, of the conflict between the gods or the creation of the world from the body of the killed dragon) in Genesis 1. Although there are clear Mesopotamian influences, these are typical of the early Sumerian traditions (the world of Abraham and his forefathers) [1].

Some scholars try to salvage this interpretation by proposing an Egyptian background for the text. This means that the author was directing his arguments towards the Egyptian gods. This is possible if we assume that the text was written in a period when the Israelites had some interaction with the Egyptians, which happened during various periods in Israel's history. In this case, the argument could work: One of the oldest and most prominent Egyptian gods was the creator god Atum who was syncretized with the sun god Ra. So in this scenario, the Hebrew author wanted to show that his God was greater than the great Egyptian sun god – He created the sun only on the fourth day. And the motif of the primaeval earth coming forth out of the primaeval waters is also an old Egyptian concept (as it is a Mesopotamian one).

Although this view makes sense, one can ask if there are no other proposals that make even more sense? The problem with the Egyptian context for Genesis 1 is that the rest of the ancient history in Genesis is clearly taken from ancient Mesopotamian (more correctly, Sumerian or Akkadian) sources. Why would only this narrative reflect the Egyptian milieu? And why should we cling to the view that the author tried to assert the might of his God over the other gods? Maybe it was never his intention at all! 
 
This view has other problems also – especially for those Christians who believe in the divine inspiration of Scripture. Although it correctly asserts that the author did not write a scientific account of creation – he was a person of his time and his view was influenced by the ancient thinking about the world – it also rejects the possibility that the narrative (through divine inspiration) could, in fact, be a credible account of creation as it really happened. In viewing the author's perspective as useless for any serious consideration in any current debate on creation, it undermines the credibility of the text as a divine source of revelation. It is in this regard that this view is in danger of undermining or even rejecting any sensible view on the inspiration of Scripture.

A new approach

In my opinion, both the old earth view, as well as the polemical text view, have some merit. The value of the polemical text view lies in its study of the ancient motifs found in the text. Obviously, the author was a person of his time whose view was determined by the ancient worldview current at that time. Any sensible view of the divine inspiration of the text should incorporate some serious consideration of the personal, social and historical factors influencing the author. On the other hand, the value of the old earth view lies in its affirmation of the remarkable "correctness" of the Genesis account when compared with the current scientific view about the origin of the cosmos and the appearance of life on earth. It shows that the account does not only have a historical dimension (reflecting the ancient context in which the text originated); it is also applicable to the current debates about creation. It shows that the origin of the cosmos can be studied both scientifically and theologically. It is at the end of the day God who created the world and affirmed it in his Word.

What is striking about Genesis 1 is the presence of many Sumerian motifs in this creation narrative. Genesis 1 is not unique in this regard.  There are many other Mesopotamian influences in the opening chapters of Genesis – all of which is taken from the old Sumerian or Akkadian stratum of thinking. (There is no sign that the author of Genesis knew anything about the Neo-Assyrian/Neo-Babylonian world of the exile.) [2] So, who were the Sumerians who's ideas had such an influence on the author of the Book of Genesis? 

Although scholars differ about the time of the first appearance of the Sumerians in the southern plains of Mesopotamia, most accept that this happened at least as early as ~4000 BC (some would argue for ~6000 BC). The Sumerian rule over the city-states of southern Mesopotamia lasted until ~2000 BC. They created the world's first civilization in ancient Mesopotamia and their culture had an enormous impact on all the later civilizations in the ancient Middle East. From a Biblical perspective, Sumer is important because this is the country where Abraham's family is said to have originated (according to Gen. 11:28, 31 they came from the city of Ur, one of the most important Sumerian cities). In my book Abraham en sy God (Griffel, 2012), I argue that the ancient history mentioned in the first part of Genesis (Gen. 2-11) not only refer (in large part) to events that happened in that country but also shows that the knowledge of those events came with Abraham's family to Canaan where it later became part of Israelite tradition. This implies that it was part of the patriarchal source material that was used by the author of the Book of Genesis.  It is therefore not strange to find these motifs in Genesis 1.

When we read "In the beginning, God created the heaven and the earth" (Gen. 1:1) it is a grand statement that God created the cosmos and all in it – the term "heaven and earth" is an old Sumerian expression referring to the cosmos. In Sumerian literature, the first sentence gives an important hint as to the nature of the work – the same is true in this case. The next statement, namely that the "earth" was without form and void simply states that the earth as we know it did not exist. What existed was the "deep" (Gen. 1:2). This is the Sumerian "apsu", the primaeval waters (later the subterranean waters), the original chaos out of which "heaven and earth" were created according to various Sumerian sources (This is typical of the Eridu mythology as described in Sumerian works like Enki and Ninmah).

Then God created "light". This also reflects the Sumerian tradition according to which a brilliant light (associated with the fire god Gibil) appeared out of the original deep. The cosmos that came into being, in which the "firmament" plays an important role, is also typical of the ancient Sumerian worldview which is found all over the ancient Middle Eastern world (see my book Abraham en sy God (Griffel, 2012) for a discussion of this worldview). An important feature of the Genesis 1 narrative is that God created the sun relatively late in the process of creation. This also corresponds with Sumerian thought - the sun god was thought to be a later addition to the family of the gods. In some early mythologies, the sun god is listed as the later offspring of the original waters [3]. 

There is, therefore, no need to view the Genesis 1 narrative as a polemical text except if the author wanted to affirm that the Hebrew God was the creator of the cosmos. In general, the narrative (with the creation of the sun at a later stage) reflects the old Sumerian worldview of the early forefathers of the Israelites. Anybody who knows the Sumerian traditions will recognize the strikingly Sumerian flavour of the Genesis 1 narrative - this Sumerian input in the Israelite tradition is also visible in the next few chapters of the Book of Genesis. The author of the creation narrative in Genesis 1 reworked the well-known motifs which originated in the Sumerian age, adding the creation of all sorts of plants and animals, as well as humans. He also replaced the earlier polytheistic perspective with the monotheistic view of the Hebrews.

What is unique about the Genesis narrative, over and above the monotheistic view, is the way in which the author divided the process of creation into seven days. The seven-day week was already known at least as early as the Ur III period in Sumer (~2100-2000 BC). It is also mentioned in early Canaan in the Ugarit texts (~1400-1200 BC). But it got special significance in Israel where it is mentioned already in the "ten commandments" attributed to Moses (Ex. 34:27, 28). It is clear from the statement at the end of this narrative (Gen. 2:2-3) that the reason for dividing the process of creation into seven days was to establish it, not only as a model for the work week but especially as a model for the seventh day of rest (the Sabbath): "God blessed the seventh day and sanctified it: because that in it he had rested from all his work which God created and made". This implies that the narrative was not so much directed towards the surrounding nations; rather, it was written for an early Israelite audience.

The author of Genesis 1 used motifs typical to the ancient worldview and rearranged them into a new pattern – into seven creation days. He did this to establish a divine model for the practice of keeping the Sabbath as a day of rest. This approach – to write a creation narrative which serves as the model for cult practice – is found all over the ancient Middle East. It also shows that this narrative probably originated at the time when the Sabbath was first introduced as part of Israel's cult practice - which goes back to the time when Moses received the "ten commandments" [4]. In reworking the old motifs handed down by the patriarchs he wrote a narrative that Jews and Christians to this day view as a "true" and "correct" account of creation as it really happened. This is what is so remarkable about this narrative – and what distinguishes it from all other creation stories – that it has such a dynamic potential for interpretation that it could be viewed to this day by Christian scientists as a credible account of creation.

The close connection between the work week and the seven days of creation should not mislead us to think that the author necessarily had solar days in mind when he wrote this narrative. The word "day" (yom) is used in three different ways in Genesis 1-2. In Genesis 2:4 it is used to refer to the whole process of creation: "the day that the Lord God made the heaven and the earth" (Although the Masoretic text has "the earth and the heavens", the Septuagint reading which I quote is clearly the correct one). This proves that the word "day" was used in Hebrew tradition to refer to a "period of time". In this case, this period of time (the day of creation) includes all seven days of creation.

The other use of the word "day" occurs in Genesis 1:14-17 when God created the sun and moon. In this case, it clearly refers to solar days. This is the days that came into existence with the creation of the sun on the fourth day of creation. With the creation of the sun, "day" and "night" became divided: "And God said, Let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to divide the day from the night" (Gen. 1:14) – there was a certain boundary which divided them. This means that these days have a certain beginning in the morning and an end in the evening (i.e. evening and morning started with these days). We read further: "And God made the two great lights, the greater light for regulating the day and the lesser light for regulating the night. And God placed them in the firmament of the heaven, so as to shine upon the earth, and to regulate day and night, and to divide between light and darkness" (taken from the Septuagint).

In line with the origin of the solar days with the creation of the sun, we read that the sun and moon were created to be "for signs and for seasons and for days and for years" (Gen. 1:14). It is quite interesting to find the word "days" in this context. It clearly states that solar "days" made its appearance with the creation of the sun on the fourth day of creation. "Seasons" and "years" also commenced with the creation of the sun on the fourth creation day (this is actually a very basic observation). This statement in Genesis 1:14 seems to imply that the author had longer periods in mind when he used the word "day" in the context of creation – clearly the fourth period of creation could have included many of these solar days, seasons and years.

The third use of the word "day" occurs throughout the creation narrative. It refers to the seven days of creation. It is already clear from our discussion of the second use of the word "day" (i.e. as solar days) that the author could not have meant solar days when he wrote his creation narrative. He is using the word to refer to longer periods of time in accordance with the first use of the word – but in this case, it refers to the seven periods into which the process of creation had been divided.

There is, however, a certain resemblance between creation days and solar days. Both of these begin with darkness, followed by the appearance of light – on the first day of creation light appeared and on solar days the first sunlight appears in the morning. When the light appeared on the first "day" of creation, it was divided from darkness (Gen. 1:4), even though days were not yet divided from night (that happened only on the fourth day of creation). This period which included darkness, as well as the first appearance of light, is called "day" (Gen. 1:5) – in analogy with the solar days which came later. In this case, it was only the first day that involves the appearance of light.  

Although the days of creation is clearly not solar days but longer periods of time, there is no indication how long these periods were. Were they relatively short periods? Or were they long periods of billions of years? The text gives no real clues. It is not even clear if they were of the same length. It seems quite possible that it was never the author's purpose to answer these questions. He did not write within a scientific framework where these questions are important. His primary concern was the grounding of the Sabbath in the divine model of creation – not to answer scientific questions about the length of these periods. But this vagueness is at the same time the reason why this account has such potential for interpretation – why it is relevant to our present-day concerns. This is the reason why we can read it as a credible account of creation in the light of scientific evidence that the cosmos is billions of years old (even if we do not agree with all the arguments of the old earth view). 

Conclusions

We can draw some conclusions from this discussion. The young earth view should be discarded, not only because it goes against all scientific evidence, but also because it does not offer any sensible explanation as to how solar days could have existed without the sun. The old earth view has merit in that it shows that Genesis 1 gives a credible account of creation – and thereby establishes the timelessness of Scripture as the divine source of revelation. The problem with this view is, however, that it does not take the original milieu in which the text was written into account. Genesis 1 is not a scientific account of creation; it is a divinely-inspired account written within the context of the ancient worldview, which is applicable even today. The polemical text view, which is so popular in the circles of critical Bible scholarship, gives a possible context wherein the text could have been written, but there are other possibilities that seem to be more likely. And it is in danger of undermining the divine inspiration of Scripture that Christians believe in.

In my approach, I evaluate the ancient context of the Genesis 1 narrative – which shows that it originated at an early date within Israelite circles (definitely not during or after the time of the Babylonian exile) which was influenced by the old Sumerian worldview that spread all over the ancient Middle East. It is possible that these influences (together with other material used in the first part of the Book of Genesis) originally came with Abraham's family from Sumer after which it became part of the patriarchal source material that the author of Genesis 1 used to construct his narrative.   

I also showed that the Israelite author reworked the old Sumerian motifs in a new way – and in doing so he established the divine creation as a model for the work week and the Sabbath. This most probably happened at the time when the Sabbath was first introduced into cult practice in Israel - which according to Biblical sources go back to the "ten commandments" of Moses [5].  The author divided the creation period into seven consecutive periods in analogy to the seven days of the week. He did not give any real indication of how long those periods were. This allows us to find common ground with the scientific view on the origin of the universe. And it underscores what Christians believe in: that the Scriptures are the divinely-inspired Word of God.

[1] Some early scholars have argued that the Hebrew word tehom (deep) in Gen. 1:2 has a definite relationship with the Babylonian monster Tiamat. More recently, however, any direct borrowing has been rejected (see, for example, Hasel, G. H. The significance of the cosmology in Genesis in relation to ancient Near Eastern parallels, in Andrews University Seminary Studies 10 (1972), 1-20.) Even if borrowing is allowed, it says nothing because the name Tiamat also goes back to Akkadian times (~2350-2150 BC). The Akkadians were Eastern Semites living in ancient Sumer who came to power during the Akkadian period. Some scholars see agreements between Genesis 1 and the Babylonian creation story, the Enuma Elis, in which Tiamat also appears, but in my opinion, the possible agreement is far too distant to think of direct borrowing.  
There is, as a matter of fact, no Mesopotamian motifs in the Pentateuch which dates after the Old-Babylonian period (the time of Abraham). This casts doubt upon the scholarly view that those Mesopotamian influences came from Babylon during the exile. It suggests that these motifs came with Abraham's family from Sumer to Canaan. See my book Op soek na Abraham en sy God (Griffel, 2012).
[2] The Sumerian origin of the Mesopotamian motifs in Genesis is not negated by the later editing of the book in Neo-Babylonian times, for example, Gen.11:28, 31 (the words "of the Chaldees" date from Neo-Babylonian times). See also Gen. 36:31.
[3] Van Dijk, J. 1976. Le Motif Cosmique dans la pensée Sumérienne. Acta Orientalia 28:1-59.
[4] We find the same idea in Ex. 20:11 where the original giving of the ten commandments is described. There is clearly a strong connection between the views expressed in Gen. 2:2-3 and Ex. 20:11. When these commandments were repeated (Deut. 5), this reason for keeping the Sabbath is not mentioned. A new reason is given, namely that the Sabbath rest reflects the rest that Israel was about to enter after their deliverance from slavery in Egypt (Deut. 5:15). Why a new reason? The background for the repetition of the law provides this. According to the Deuteronomy narrative, they were encamped across the river Jordan when the commandments were given anew - Deut. 1:1; 4:44-46. This seems to imply that the institution of the Sabbath had become an integral part of the cult practice in Israel by the time that they reached the Jordan, i.e. there was no need to reaffirm the earlier justification for the keeping of the Sabbath. Rather, the exodus and delivery from slavery is now called into remembrance and related to the Sabbath. The reason for this is clearly because the reason for the exodus was the eventual entrance into Canaan (see Deut. 6:23). After the exodus and the 40 years of sojourning in the desert, the association of the Sabbath with rest was more directly applicable. In later Israelite thought Canaan was therefore also viewed as the land of "rest" (Ps. 95:11).
[5] One expects that this creation narrative, which posits the divine creation as a model for the work week and the Sabbath, must have been written at the time when the Sabbath was first introduced into cult practice in Israel. The person who is closely associated with this first introduction of the Sabbath, or more correctly, with the ten commandments in which the Sabbath is first mentioned, is Moses. This strongly suggests that Moses was the author of the Book of Genesis as is traditionally held.

Author: Dr Willie Mc Loud. Posted on www.wmcloud.blogspot.com
The author has written a book on the Sumerian roots of the Bible (Op soek na Abraham en sy God (Griffel, 2012)) and is a philosopher and scientist (PhD in Physics, MA in Philosophy). He writes on issues of religion, philosophy, science and eschatology.

To read more about the Septuagint: The importance of the Septuagint in Biblical studies

The book of Genesis, Intro: The Book of Genesis: The Sumerian Hypothesis
The book of Genesis, part 2: Adam and Eve: were they the first humans?  
The book of Genesis, part 3: The Garden of Eden: Was it a real place?
The book of Genesis, part 4: The Serpent of Paradise
The book of Genesis, part 5: Reconsidering the Fall
The book of Genesis, Part 6: The ancient worldview: the origins of Satan
The book of Genesis, Part 7: Who is Elohim?

The book of Genesis, Part 8: The "ancient history" of Genesis 4-11: Myth or history?
The book of Genesis, Part 9: The Great Flood: Did it really happen?
The book of Genesis, Part 10: Abraham holds the key

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